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Political Parties and Elections – NDA Polity Notes
Extra-Constitutional · National Party Routes · FPTP vs PR-STV · Coalition Politics · Part XV
Reading Time: 45–55 minutes | Last Updated: August 2026
Introduction: The Constitution Created Elections But Not Parties
The Constitution created elections but not parties. Part XV of the Constitution (Articles 324–329) creates the electoral framework: the Election Commission, the franchise, the single electoral roll, Parliament’s power to legislate on elections. But nowhere in the Constitution as originally adopted did the framers define, create, or regulate political parties. They exist, in constitutional terms, in the space between the articles, indispensable to democratic practice, yet extra-constitutional in legal character.
Part 1: Political Parties: Nature and Constitutional Standing
What do political parties do that no constitutional provision does? They aggregate diverse political preferences into a manageable choice set; they recruit and train political leaders; they connect citizens to the state; they organise the legislature into a working majority and opposition; and they provide the programmes and accountability mechanisms through which government policy is made and contested. None of this is provided for by the Constitution.
Extra-Constitutional: The Precise Meaning
Political parties are an extra-constitutional growth in Indian democracy. [NDA 2010-I]
The Constitution as originally adopted in 1950 is completely silent on political parties as such. The only constitutional text that presupposes party membership is the Tenth Schedule, inserted by the 52nd Constitutional Amendment (1985), the anti-defection law. The Tenth Schedule presupposes party membership in order to regulate defection from it; it does not create parties, define them, or give them constitutional status. This is the key distinction: the Tenth Schedule acknowledges parties; it does not establish them.
Constitutional Status: NDA 2010-I
NDA 2010-I asked which among four entities is an extra-constitutional growth. The question requires correctly classifying all four:
| Entity | Constitutional Status | Constitutional Basis |
| Attorney General of India | CONSTITUTIONAL: created by the Constitution | Article 76 (Part V): “There shall be an Attorney General for India” |
| Autonomous Districts | CONSTITUTIONAL: recognised by the Constitution | Sixth Schedule (Article 244(2)): Tribal Areas in Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura, and Mizoram: District and Regional Councils |
| Deputy Chairman of the Council of States (Rajya Sabha) | CONSTITUTIONAL: created by the Constitution | Article 90: “The Council of States shall, as soon as may be, choose a member to be Deputy Chairman” |
| Political Parties | EXTRA-CONSTITUTIONAL: not created by any Article | No constitutional Article establishes political parties. Source of legal standing: Representation of the People Act, 1951 (registration); Election Symbols Order, 1968 (recognition). |
| ★ IMPORTANT NDA 2010-I: Political Parties = extra-constitutional growth (answer c). The distractors are all constitutionally grounded entities: the question requires knowing where each one sits, not just where parties sit. [NDA 2010-I] |
Party Systems and Functions
India operates as a multi-party system. Multiple political parties compete for power at the national and State levels. This multi-party character is a consequence of India’s social diversity and the FPTP electoral mechanism.
Functions of political parties in a representative democracy:
- Aggregating diverse citizen preferences into coherent political programmes
- Recruiting, selecting and training political leaders
- Contesting elections and converting votes into seats
- Forming governments and holding the opposition accountable
- Educating citizens on public policy and democratic participation
- Providing continuity of governance between election cycles
Part 2: Registration and Recognition: Two Separate Processes
What is the difference between a registered party and a recognised party? A registered party has completed a statutory requirement and is a lawful party. A recognised party has additionally met performance thresholds set by the Election Commission and enjoys specific privileges. A party can be registered without being recognised. Many parties contest elections as registered but unrecognised parties.
| Stage | Registration | Recognition |
| What it is | Statutory requirement; makes a party a lawful registered party | Administrative classification; performance-based; makes a party a recognised national or state party |
| Legal source | Section 29A, Representation of the People Act, 1951 | Election Symbols (Reservation and Allotment) Order, 1968: made under the Commission’s Article 324 superintendence power |
| Governing body | Election Commission of India (receives application) | Election Commission of India (classifies based on performance) |
| Threshold | Name, symbol, address, constitution, secular-democratic declaration | Electoral performance: votes polled and seats won across elections; three routes for national; five criteria for state |
| Effect | Party is lawful and can contest using a free symbol | Party gets a reserved symbol across its recognition territory; star campaigners; free electoral rolls; broadcast time |
| Can a party have one without the other? | Registration ≠ recognition; a party can be registered but unrecognised (many are) | Recognition requires prior registration; a party cannot be recognised without being registered |
| Recognition power does NOT come directly from the Constitution. It comes from the Election Symbols (Reservation and Allotment) Order, 1968: an administrative order made in exercise of the Commission’s Article 324 superintendence power. This distinction matters because recognition can be granted and withdrawn by the Commission: it is not a constitutionally entrenched status. |
Three Categories of Political Parties in India based on the registration-recognition framework:
- Recognised National Parties: meet national recognition thresholds; reserved symbol throughout India; 6 national parties as of 2024 (subject to change with each election cycle)
- Recognised State Parties: meet state recognition thresholds within specific States; reserved symbol within those States; recognised in some States but not necessarily all
- Registered but Unrecognised Parties: lawfully registered but have not met recognition thresholds; can contest elections but use free (unresolved) symbols; very large number of such parties exist in India
Part 3: National Party Recognition: Three Routes
The single most-tested concept in this chapter: two of five PYQs, across two separate examination papers. One paper (NDA 2016-I) tests the logical structure of the first route; the other (NDA 2017-I) tests the exact content of all three routes and identifies two non-criteria. Together they confirm that NDA holds the complete recognition framework and tests it from multiple angles.
| Route | Conditions (Complete and Exact) | NDA Tested |
| Route 1 Votes + Seats (Cumulative) | Condition A: Secures at least 6% of valid votes polled in any 4 or more States in a general election to the Lok Sabha OR to State Legislative Assemblies AND Condition B: Wins at least 4 seats in the Lok Sabha from any State or States. CRITICAL: BOTH conditions must be met simultaneously. Meeting only Condition A or only Condition B is insufficient for Route 1. | NDA 2016-I NDA 2017-I |
| Route 2 Lok Sabha Seat Share | Wins at least 2% of total Lok Sabha seats. Current House = 543 seats → 2% = minimum 11 seats. These seats must come from at least 3 different States. | NDA 2017-I |
| Route 3 State Party Base | Is recognised as a State party in at least 4 States. CRITICAL: FOUR States: NOT two. NDA 2017-I used “at least two States” as the precision distractor. | NDA 2017-I |
| NOT a criterion: HQ Location | Having headquarters in New Delhi is NOT among the recognition criteria. Parties can be recognised as national parties regardless of their headquarters location. | NDA 2017-I |
| ★ IMPORTANT Route 1 requires BOTH conditions simultaneously: 6% votes in 4+ States AND 4+ Lok Sabha seats. These are conjunctive (AND), not disjunctive (OR). NDA 2016-I specifically tested this logic. Route 3 requires State party recognition in AT LEAST FOUR States: NOT two States. NDA 2017-I used “at least two States” as the precision distractor. Also: HQ in New Delhi is an invented administrative requirement with no basis in the recognition framework. [NDA 2016-I | NDA 2017-I] |
Worked Illustration: How Route 1 Fails When Only One Condition Is Met
Party X contests the Lok Sabha general election and achieves the following results:
| Check | Condition | Status | Result |
| Vote share | Secures 8% of valid votes in 5 States | Needs 6% in 4+ States: condition MET | — |
| Lok Sabha seats won | Wins only 3 seats | Needs 4+ Lok Sabha seats: condition NOT MET | FAILS Route 1 despite impressive vote shares |
| Route 2 check | 3 seats < 11 required | FAILS | — |
| Route 3 check | State party in 4+ States needed | Must be assessed separately | — |
Part 4: State Party Recognition
State party recognition is the untested half of a twice-tested pair, and the highest-probability next NDA test area in this chapter. NDA 2017-I already used the state party route as a distractor, confirming the examiner holds the full recognition framework. State party recognition must be taught alongside national party recognition, not as an afterthought.
| Criterion | State Party Recognition: Conditions (Any ONE criterion is sufficient) |
| Criterion 1 | Secures at least 6% of valid votes polled in the State in a general election to the State Legislative Assembly AND wins at least 2 seats in the Assembly |
| Criterion 2 | Secures at least 6% of valid votes polled in the State in a general election to the Lok Sabha AND wins at least 1 Lok Sabha seat from that State |
| Criterion 3 | Wins at least 3% of the total number of seats in the State Legislative Assembly OR at least 3 seats in the Assembly, whichever is more |
| Criterion 4 | Wins at least 1 seat in the Lok Sabha for every 25 Lok Sabha seats allotted to the State (minimum 1 seat) |
| Criterion 5 | Secures at least 8% of the total valid votes polled in the State in a general election to the Lok Sabha or to the State Legislative Assembly (without the seat condition of Criteria 1 and 2) |
| ★ IMPORTANT State party recognition has FIVE criteria (any one is sufficient). A party can be a recognised State party in some States while remaining unrecognised in others. Criterion 5 (8% votes, no seat condition) is the newest addition and the most likely future NDA test point from this section. |
National Party vs State Party: Comparison Table
| Dimension | Recognised National Party | Recognised State Party |
| Recognition authority | Election Commission of India | Election Commission of India |
| Legal source | Election Symbols Order, 1968 | Election Symbols Order, 1968 |
| Primary route | 6% votes in 4+ States AND 4+ LS seats (Route 1); OR 2% LS seats from 3+ States (Route 2); OR State party in 4+ States (Route 3) | Five criteria: 6% votes+2 Assembly seats; OR 6% votes+1 LS seat; OR 3% Assembly seats; OR 1 LS seat per 25 State LS allocation; OR 8% votes (without seat condition) |
| Symbol territory | Reserved symbol throughout India | Reserved symbol only within the State(s) where recognised |
| Electoral rolls | Free copy of electoral rolls in constituencies contested across India | Free copy in constituencies in the States where recognised |
| Review cycle | After each general election to Lok Sabha | After elections to the specific State Assembly or Lok Sabha within the State |
| NDA focus | Twice tested (2016-I, 2017-I) | Untested: highest-probability future test area |
Part 5: Benefits of Recognition and Party Symbols
Recognition thresholds are meaningful because recognition confers real advantages. Understanding what a recognised party receives explains why the exact thresholds matter, and why the distinctions between national and state recognition, and between reserved and free symbols, are operationally significant.
| Benefit | National Party | State Party |
| Election symbol | RESERVED throughout India: no other party can use this symbol in any election | RESERVED within the State(s) where recognised: may use a free symbol in other States |
| Star campaigners | Up to 40 star campaigners permitted (whose travel expenditure is not counted in candidate’s account) | Up to 20 star campaigners |
| Electoral rolls | Free supply of electoral rolls for each constituency contested across India | Free supply within recognition territory |
| Broadcast time | Free time on national channels (Doordarshan and All India Radio) during elections | Free time on State channels during elections |
| Recognised party label | Can be described as a recognised national party in official material | Can be described as a recognised State party in that State |
| The reserved symbol is the most consequential benefit. Voters recognise and vote for symbols: in a country with diverse literacy levels, the symbol can be as important as the party name. This is why the Election Commission’s recognition function through the Symbols Order (1968) carries practical electoral power beyond its formal administrative character. |
Part 6: India’s Electoral System: First-Past-the-Post
What does the electoral system do? It converts votes into seats. The system chosen determines not just who wins but how representative the result is, how governments are formed, and what role parties and alliances play in the outcome. India’s choice of First-Past-the-Post for direct elections has structural consequences, including the coalition arithmetic that defines much of Indian politics.
First-Past-the-Post (FPTP): Definition and Application
India uses the First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) system (also called the simple plurality system) for:
• Elections to the Lok Sabha (House of the People)
• Elections to State Legislative Assemblies (Vidhan Sabhas)
[NDA 2021-II: answer (a) First-Past-the-Post System]
| FPTP: The candidate who wins the MOST votes in a constituency wins the seat. PLURALITY is required: NOT an absolute majority. The winner can have 30%, 40%, or any share of votes, as long as it is more than any other candidate. NOT used for Lok Sabha/State Assembly: Proportional Representation | Mixed System | General Ticket (Block Voting) | Two-Round Run-Off System. All four were offered as alternatives in NDA 2021-II. |
Worked Illustration: Plurality Is Not Majority
Three candidates contest a constituency. 100,000 votes cast:
| Candidate | Votes Won | % of Total | Result |
| Candidate A | 41,000 | 41% | WINNER: has plurality (most votes); wins despite less than absolute majority (50%+1) |
| Candidate B | 35,000 | 35% | LOSES: despite more than one-third of votes |
| Candidate C | 24,000 | 24% | LOSES |
Candidate A wins with 41%, less than a majority (50%+1). Under FPTP, 59% of voters did NOT vote for the winner, but the winner still takes the seat. This structural feature means a party can win a large number of seats with well under 50% of national vote share, and means hung houses are structurally possible even with a large FPTP winner.
FPTP vs Proportional Representation: Comparison
| Dimension | First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) | Proportional Representation (PR) |
| Core principle | Candidate with most votes in a constituency wins (plurality) | Parties receive seats in proportion to their total vote share |
| Winner threshold | Plurality only: no minimum required | Quota or threshold; seats distributed proportionally |
| Candidate/party link | Each seat represents a specific constituency; voters elect an individual candidate | Seats allocated broadly in proportion to votes according to the particular PR method used. India’s PR elections use Single Transferable Vote (STV): a preferential, candidate-based system, not a party-list system |
| Government formation | Tends to produce decisive majorities (but not always); FPTP can produce large seat majorities from small vote advantages | Tends toward coalition governments; no single party typically wins an outright majority of seats |
| Small parties | Disadvantaged: may receive many votes nationally but win few seats | Advantaged: vote share translates proportionally into seats |
| India’s use | Lok Sabha and State Assembly elections (direct elections) | Rajya Sabha, Presidential, Vice Presidential elections (indirect elections): specifically PR by Single Transferable Vote |
| Merits | Simple; clear constituency representation; direct accountability; decisive results common | Fairer representation of diverse preferences; fewer “wasted” votes; smaller parties represented |
| Demerits | Votes for losing candidates are “wasted”; large majorities from small vote margins; discourages third parties | Complex; may produce unstable coalition governments; less direct constituency representation |
| ★ IMPORTANT NDA 2021-II: India’s electoral system = FPTP (for direct elections). “General Ticket” is an alternative name for the block voting system used in some countries: it was used as a confidence-test distractor. Neither General Ticket nor any version of it is used in India. [NDA 2021-II] |
Part 7: Proportional Representation and the Single Transferable Vote
Where India does NOT use FPTP, it uses Proportional Representation by Single Transferable Vote (PR-STV), used for certain indirect elections in which elected representatives or an electoral college vote to elect the office-holder.
| Election | Electoral Method | Who Votes | Cross-Reference |
| Lok Sabha (House of the People) | FIRST-PAST-THE-POST (FPTP): direct election | Adult citizens of India (universal adult suffrage) | P8 (Union Legislature) |
| State Legislative Assembly (Vidhan Sabha) | FIRST-PAST-THE-POST (FPTP): direct election | Adult citizens of that State | P9 (State Government) |
| Rajya Sabha (Council of States) | Proportional Representation by Single Transferable Vote (PR-STV): indirect | Elected members of State Legislative Assemblies (MLAs) | P8 (Union Legislature) |
| Presidential Election | Proportional Representation by Single Transferable Vote (PR-STV): indirect | Elected members of Lok Sabha + elected members of Rajya Sabha + elected members of all State Legislative Assemblies (electoral college) | P7 (Union Executive) |
| Vice Presidential Election | Proportional Representation by Single Transferable Vote (PR-STV): indirect | All members (elected and nominated) of both Houses of Parliament | P7 (Union Executive) |
| The mapping table resolves both the tested question (India uses FPTP for Lok Sabha/Assembly) and its most likely inversion (which elections use PR-STV? = Rajya Sabha, Presidential, VP). Local body elections are conducted by State Election Commissions: not by the Election Commission of India. “Direct = FPTP (voter chooses); Indirect = PR-STV (elected body chooses)” |
How STV works in one paragraph: Under Single Transferable Vote, voters rank candidates in order of preference (1st, 2nd, 3rd…). A quota is calculated: the minimum votes needed to win a seat. Candidates reaching the quota are elected; surplus votes above the quota are transferred to the next preference; eliminated candidates’ votes also transfer. This continues until all seats are filled. Do not compute the quota in NDA preparation. Know that STV uses ranked preferences and vote transfers.
Part 8: Coalition Politics
Why does India have coalition governments? The structural answer lies in FPTP. Because FPTP rewards local plurality rather than national vote share, a party can win fewer seats than its national vote share might suggest, and another can win far more. In a multi-party system with a socially diverse electorate, no single party regularly commands enough constituencies to win a House majority alone. The result: coalition arithmetic.
NDA 2010-I tested the coalition question as a statement-pair with explanation-linkage options. This format is where a false universal claim is paired with a true specific example. [NDA 2010-I: answer (d): Statement I is false; Statement II is true]
| Statement | Verdict |
| Statement I: “Coalition in India is always a post-poll phenomenon.” | FALSE: Pre-poll alliances have been a consistent feature of Indian electoral politics. Parties negotiate seat-sharing and campaign as a coalition before the election. The word ALWAYS is what makes this false: one counter-example (any pre-poll alliance) defeats it. |
| Statement II: “The United Progressive Alliance was formed after the Lok Sabha Election of 2004.” | TRUE: The UPA was indeed assembled after the 2004 general election results, when Congress won the largest single-party bloc and other parties joined to form a post-poll coalition government. This is a true specific example. |
| Does Statement II explain Statement I? | NO: Statement II is true, but it does not establish a universal rule. One instance of a post-poll coalition cannot prove that ALL coalitions are post-poll. Statement I is false; Statement II cannot rescue it even though Statement II is true. |
| ★ IMPORTANT NDA reasoning pattern: absolute words (always, never, only) in Statement I are a trap. The examiner pairs a false universal claim with a true particular example that appears to support it. The skill tested: recognising that one true instance does not establish a universal rule. This pattern recurs across NDA Polity. [NDA 2010-I] |
Government Formation After Elections
| Outcome | Conditions |
| Majority government | Single party wins more than 272 seats in Lok Sabha (absolute majority of 543); forms government without coalition partners |
| Coalition government | No single party wins majority; two or more parties combine their seats to cross 272; each party retains its registration and identity; form a formal coalition cabinet |
| Minority government | A party or coalition forms government without guaranteed majority; survives confidence votes issue by issue, sometimes with outside support from parties not in the cabinet |
| Hung House | No workable majority arrangement is possible; may lead to President’s Rule, President’s invitation to form government, or fresh elections |
Part 9: Part XV of the Constitution: Articles 324–329
Part XV (Articles 324–329) is the constitutional home of elections in India. It provides the constitutional foundation for the entire electoral framework: the superintendence power, the franchise, and the legislative authority over elections.
| Article | Subject |
| 324 | Superintendence, direction, and control of elections vested in the Election Commission of India; covers Lok Sabha, Rajya Sabha, State Legislatures, and elections of President and Vice President (→ P11 for ECI institutional profile) |
| 325 | Single general electoral roll for every territorial constituency; no person to be excluded from the roll or ineligible to be included on grounds of religion, race, caste, or sex |
| 326 | Elections to Lok Sabha and State Assemblies on the basis of adult suffrage; every citizen 18 years or above (61st Amendment, 1988 lowered from 21 to 18) not disqualified is entitled to be registered as a voter |
| 327 | Power of Parliament to make provision with respect to elections to Parliament and State Legislatures |
| 328 | Power of State Legislatures to make provision with respect to elections to that State Legislature |
| 329 | Bar on courts interfering in electoral matters; election petitions to be presented after the election is concluded, not during; the Election Tribunal (now High Court) hears election petitions |
| ★ IMPORTANT Article 324 is the constitutional basis for the Election Commission’s authority: including its party recognition power through the Symbols Order, 1968. Article 325 (single electoral roll, no exclusion by religion/race/caste/sex) and Article 326 (adult suffrage, 18+ after 61st Amendment) are the most likely future NDA test points from Part XV. |
Part 10: Universal Adult Suffrage and the Electoral Process
Universal Adult Suffrage: Article 326
Every citizen of India who is not less than 18 years of age and is not otherwise disqualified (on grounds of non-residence, unsound mind, crime, or corrupt practice) is entitled to be registered as a voter and to vote in elections to the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies.
The 61st Constitutional Amendment Act, 1988 lowered the minimum voting age from 21 years to 18 years, effective from 1989. This extended the franchise to approximately 50 million additional citizens at the time of amendment. Article 326 is the constitutional basis for universal adult suffrage in India.
Model Code of Conduct
The Model Code of Conduct (MCC) is a set of guidelines issued by the Election Commission that regulates the conduct of political parties and candidates during election campaigns. It comes into force from the date of announcement of the election schedule and remains in effect until the counting of votes and declaration of results.
Key MCC provisions: no government can announce new schemes or policies that could influence voters; no party can use government machinery for campaign purposes; restrictions on religious appeals in campaigning; booth conduct regulations. The MCC is not a statutory instrument. It is enforced through the Election Commission’s superintendence power under Article 324.
NOTA and Electoral Reforms
In 2013, the Supreme Court in People’s Union for Civil Liberties v. Union of India directed the Election Commission to introduce a NOTA (None of the Above) option on electronic voting machines. A voter who finds none of the candidates acceptable can now register a NOTA vote, which is counted separately but does not result in a re-election or a victory for NOTA.
The Supreme Court also mandated candidate disclosure of assets, liabilities, criminal cases, and educational qualifications in their nomination affidavits, enabling voters to make informed choices based on information about candidates’ backgrounds.
Security Deposit Forfeiture
Any candidate (for Lok Sabha or State Assembly) who fails to secure more than one-sixth of the total valid votes polled in their constituency forfeits their security deposit. This provision discourages frivolous candidacies and the multiplication of candidates with no genuine electoral support. The security deposit for Lok Sabha candidates is ₹25,000 (₹12,500 for SC/ST candidates).
Quick Revision
CONSTITUTIONAL STATUS OF PARTIES [NDA 2010-I]
• Political parties: EXTRA-CONSTITUTIONAL growth: not created by any Article of the Constitution
• Extra-constitutional ≠ unconstitutional: parties are lawful, regulated, indispensable
• Tenth Schedule (1985): presupposes party membership: does NOT create parties
• AG (Art. 76), Autonomous Districts (Sixth Schedule), Deputy Chairman RS (Art. 90) = constitutional
REGISTRATION vs RECOGNITION
• Registration: Section 29A, Representation of the People Act, 1951 | makes party lawful | confers FREE symbol
• Recognition: Election Symbols Order, 1968 | performance-based | confers RESERVED symbol
• Three categories: Recognised National Party | Recognised State Party | Registered but Unrecognised Party
NATIONAL PARTY RECOGNITION: THREE ROUTES [NDA 2016-I | 2017-I]
• Route 1: 6% votes in 4+ States AND 4+ LS seats: BOTH simultaneously (AND logic, not OR) [NDA 2016-I]
• Route 2: 2% LS seats (= 11 of 543) from 3+ States
• Route 3: State party in 4+ States (NOT 2 States) [NDA 2017-I]
• NOT a criterion: HQ in New Delhi: invented distractor [NDA 2017-I]
STATE PARTY RECOGNITION: FIVE CRITERIA (any one sufficient)
• Criterion 1: 6% votes in State Assembly election AND 2 Assembly seats
• Criterion 2: 6% votes in Lok Sabha election from State AND 1 Lok Sabha seat from State
• Criterion 3: 3% of State Assembly seats OR 3 Assembly seats, whichever is more
• Criterion 4: 1 Lok Sabha seat per 25 Lok Sabha seats allotted to State (minimum 1)
• Criterion 5: 8% of valid votes in State in Lok Sabha or Assembly election (NO seat condition required)
ELECTORAL SYSTEM [NDA 2021-II]
• Lok Sabha and State Assemblies: FIRST-PAST-THE-POST (FPTP): plurality, NOT majority | direct election [NDA 2021-II]
• Rajya Sabha, Presidential, VP: Proportional Representation by Single Transferable Vote (PR-STV) | indirect election
• FPTP: candidate with MOST votes wins: not necessarily majority | can win with 30–40% of votes
• NOT used for Lok Sabha: Proportional Representation | Mixed System | General Ticket
COALITION POLITICS [NDA 2010-I]
• Coalitions NOT always post-poll: pre-poll alliances (seat-sharing before election) exist in India [NDA 2010-I]
• UPA 2004 = post-poll coalition (true specific example, NOT a universal rule)
• “Always” = false universal: one true instance does not establish a universal claim
OTHER KEY FACTS
• Part XV: Articles 324–329: Constitutional home of elections | Article 326: adult suffrage; 18+ years since 61st Amendment, 1988
• Model Code of Conduct: operative from election announcement; enforced by ECI under Art. 324
• NOTA: introduced 2013 by Supreme Court direction
• Security deposit forfeiture: fails to secure 1/6 of valid votes polled → deposit forfeited
• Local body elections: conducted by STATE ELECTION COMMISSIONS (not ECI)
Political Parties and Elections Previous Year Questions
Practice NDA previous-year questions from the Political Parties and Elections chapter with detailed solutions and important tips.
